It is clear what the NSCN`s motive is – to strengthen its call on the Modi government for Ravi, including the governor of Nagaland, to be an interlocutor. In 2015, with the Narendra Modi government firmly in power and Prime Minister Modi insisting on a quick solution to the conflict, a framework agreement was signed, which laid the groundwork for the ongoing peace talks. In early 2017, Mr. Ravi informed a parliamentary body that it had signed a framework agreement with the NSCN-IM after reaching an agreement within the Indian Federation with a “special status” and that it was an abandonment of its previous position “with India, not within India”. In his Naga Independence Day address on 14 August, NSCN (I-M) Secretary General Thuingaleng Muivah stressed that the Nagas “will never merge with India.” But the neighbouring states of Nagaland, home to the NSCN Peace Headquarters (I-M), are concerned about the issue of sovereignty. This is due to the idea of the NSCN (I-M) of Greater Nagalim – a house that encompasses all the areas inhabited by the Naga in Nagaland and beyond. Outside Myanmar, home to many more than 50 strains of Naga, the map of The Great Nagalim includes much of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur. The Government of Assam has vowed not to part with “even a centimetre of land”, the Union All Arunachal Pradesh Students has warned against “territorial changes” while finding a solution. Minister Manipur Chief Nongthombam Biren Singh said he had received assurances from the Centre that the peace agreement with the NSCN (I-M) would not undermine Manipur`s territorial integrity. But non-Naga groups are wary, as the Tangkhul community, which is at the heart of the NSCN (I-M), is from Manipur and the outfit may not accept an agreement excluding the areas they inhabit. NNPGs, whose members come mainly from Nagaland, are also a factor; their contributions to a final solution could be contrary to those of the NSCN (I-M).
The northeastern states were cautious about the framework agreement signed by NSCN (I-M) leaders with the Indian government in August 2015. The content of the agreement has not yet been revealed, although tribal associations and civil society insist on transparency. The collapse of the final agreement may lead to the return of the insurgents, not only in Nagaland, but also in the neighbouring states, with the NSCN (I-M) playing a leading role in maintaining porridge in this part of the country. All other insurgent groups consider NSCN (I-M) to be a big brother to continue their infamous activities. The Chinese are also looking for ways to jump into the fray. We have to be careful. On 28 October, a team from the NSCN (I-M), led by its Secretary General Thuingaleng Muivah and Ravi, met again to discuss ways to find an “honourable” solution by resigning the sticky issue of a separate flag and constitution for the Nagas. “The dialogue of more than four hours was not successful and the two sides agreed to meet soon.
However, a final agreement between the NSCN (I-M) and the government is unlikely to take place by October 31, 2019,” an official development confidant. The framework agreement, which was shared on Tuesday in a detailed press release from NSCN-IM, states that “both sides have understood each other`s respective positions and are aware of the universal principle that, in a democracy, sovereignty belongs to the people. As a result, on 3 August 2015, the Indian government and the NSCN, which respects the aspirations of citizens for sovereign power as defined in the powers, reached an agreement as an honourable solution. The NSCN requested that the Centre commit to ensuring that the framework agreement in its original form is still alive and that it “must be treated by someone other than RN Ravi,” sensitive enough to understand and respect what has been achieved over the past 23 years.